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Today, August 8, being the anniversary of Western Region’s 1957 Self-Government is an appropriate time for a critique of Ondo State Governor, Olusegun Mimiko, who gave a Lecture titled “Progressivism and Social Development” at the Yoruba Tennis Club in Lagos at which he admonished the “political class” not to “abuse progressivism” and then went on to describe the concept by saying it is “all about the people” since it is an “instrument to tackle inequality in the society”. He went on to say that “some of Nigeria’s first generation of leaders possessed the progressive trait and that the progressive ideology ought to be intrinsic to every Yoruba”. Furthermore, according to him, “The late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was a true progressive leader because of his democratization of access to education, agricultural transformation and welfarists’ policy, which have continued to serve as living legacy of his government in the western region”, from where he went on to reel out his government’s choices in development as a form of “progressivism”.

What Segun Mimiko did not point out was that since man came into social recognition of his existence, “progressivism” became an imperative; thus all social divisions were and are aimed at exhibiting such “progressivism” in the name of that social recognition which is now known as the “people”. All socio-economic paradigms are always aimed at the “people” without which such paradigms will not exist. What we now know as the “market” is a recognition of that social fact which is why the “market economy” aims at leveraging what each social category has in order to maximize the greatest benefit. Thus, the working classes leverage their labor power, the owning classes leverage their access to capital, both human capital as in its ability to hire for its own purposes as well as financial or property capital. Even while such is an unequal relationship, the owners have to ensure the continuity of their economic paradigm hence provision of reliefs for the “have nots” which directly translates into social welfare and which was a major determinant in the emergence of the modern Nation State, where institutions are created to moderate the contending forces of social co-existence, otherwise known as “welfarism”.
The attempt at social management enabled the development of such welfare schemes, like the Great Society in the US in the aftermath of the Great depression and the Governmental interventions during times of serious economic crises; or in more recent times, “trickle down economics”; IMF conditionalities or Freidman’s conceptualizations, or a Chief Olu Falae’s SAP as being in favor of especially cocoa farmers; all of which were supposed to be beneficial to the “people”. Welfarism thus becomes a political agency in order to try to institutionalize such interventions, which also depends on the ability of such a society to control its economic, political and social decisions in an interrelated world.
It is thus a-historical for Segun Mimiko to want to ascribe an intrincity of welfarism for an entire Yoruba Nation or any Nation for that matter; for historically, the above had always played out in the development of the Yoruba Nation and its form of State. The economic aspects of the fall of Oyo Empire is an example of how these played out.
Segun Mimiko brought in Chief Awolowo’s name in order to justify his a-historicity; for Awo’s “living legacy”, is directly tied to the question of decolonization, for limiting “progressivism” to access to modernizing socio-economic categories is doing damage to the concept itself, for all of the modernization, a largely technocratic process, has to function within the political paradigm of the Nation State, which Awo proposed and worked for, as a Federal Nation State.
Otherwise, Adolf Hitler’s regime would be considered progressive, taking into consideration all of the modernization and some trailblazing economic, scientific and technological breakthroughs that took place under his watch. Indeed, pursuit of such modernization was one of the prime movers for the development of Nazism as not only a political philosophy but also as a form of State organization in which an attempt was made at addressing the “unequal” relationship between Germany and the rest of Europe.
Hence, modernization is quite possible without social and political emancipation; for the pre-Atlantic Slave Trade societies relied on slave labor for its modernization processes in its own time, otherwise the societies would remain stagnant; while modernization of American and English economies rested on Atlantic Slave Trade labor without a corresponding emancipation of the providers of such labor. And even the white English working class were only marginally better off than the slave laborers, yet they were all participants in the “market” without which all of the labor would be lost and while technological advancement put paid to much of slave labor and the question of the beneficiaries of such modernization(the middle classes) becomes the issue and whence comes into play the different tendencies in the political organization of the State. The middle classes are not a separate entity, but must derive from either the upper or lower classes, hence, “progressivism” aims at providing a space for this to manifest.
For Awo, the basic premise was on the social, economic and cultural emancipation of the colonized hence his journey from the NYM through Egbe Omo Oduduwa and then the Action Group. All through these times, there were organizations clamoring for economic improvement as well as modernization within the ambit of the then colonial system. Awo could as well have joined them in that clamor. But he did not. Which means, there is something to say for political emancipation before any form of modernization or “progressivism” can actually be said to be progressive.
So, in what manner or form has Segun Mimiko pursued this necessary emancipation? In what manner are his flaunted policies aiding the development of a middle class; and what is the productive capacity of the Ondo classes, both in terms of providing capital and labor? Indeed, can a single state, under Nigeria’s circumstances, develop a middle class on its own?
What is being celebrated as “progressivism” by Segun Mimiko is nothing more that “democratization” of consumerism in all spheres for it is impossible for a single state to create and develop working and middle classes under the current system which Segun Mimiko is promoting via his support for Jonathan. And when DAWN(Development Agenda for Western Nigeria) which was aimed at combined and even development of Yorubaland, was conceived, he was among those who pooh-poohed the idea, reducing it to an attempt at political hijack by the majority ACN states.
Segun Mimiko is in Afenifere. The word Afenifere itself, was coined as the Yoruba definition of AG’s philosophy of “freedom for all, life more abundant” which says it all about welfarism. Hence, the name reflected its political praxis.
The Afenifere of Segun Mimiko, however, is very different, even as its membership and leadership claim allegiance to the AG/Afenifere praxis. Why? This Afenifere is an organization, in and by itself. It is a name given to an organization formed in 1994 to pursue anti-military struggles without its philosophy, except only in name, for it denies the political context of the philosophy.
Just as an organization like RENAMO or Jonas Savimbi’s UNITA would have nomenclatures defining them as being for independence or liberation did not make them so, this Afenifere also feigns affinity with a philosophy but only as an organizational expression. The difference between the philosophy and the organization as a name proceeds from not only the existence of the organization for itself, but also from how its praxis correspond to the reality it assumes.
The Egbe Omo Oduduwa was the socio-cultural organization that created a platform for the emergence of the AG even as some of its members would refuse to be part of it, preferring to retain the “socio-cultural” identity whereas the Awo tendency saw the necessity for a political party that will particularize all of the demands of the Egbe. Thus, the AG was founded as very distinct from the Egbe even as it maintained close relations with some of the Egbe’s leading lights, especially Ooni Adesoji Aderemi and Alake Ademola.
The Egbe did not compete with the AG as to who exercises political authority, even as both were engaged in the decolonization process in their own ways. Again, the reality of the time showed the necessity for the dominance of the political party which eventually led to the demise of the Egbe.
Segun Mimiko’s Afenifere was the exact opposite as it sought to substitute itself for the political authority even when its leading lights had ample opportunity to translate into a relevant political force. In 1998/99, when Mimiko’s Afenifere famously agreed to participate in Abubakar’s transition program without conditions, it ended up trying to fight a political battle via a “socio-cultural” mechanism, even when it was obvious, at the time, that, save only the politically hapless Dayo Adeyeye, a perennial loser of elections in his Ekiti axis only to seek rehabilitation in the center, especially under a Goodluck Jonathan whose contempt for the Yoruba Nation is glaring; almost everyone who contested the 1998/99 elections under the platform of the AD won and all the Mimiko’s Afenifere leading lights could have so won had they contested, a victory which would have transformed the political landscape vis-à-vis the battle with Nigeria. They did not, rather, they spent the time arguing over whether Afenifere is AD or not.
Yet, there was a political battle to be won. Such that what fate eventually befell Segun Mimiko’s Afenifere had its foundation in that 1998/1999 strategic confusion that led to other eventualities.
So, then, how is “freedom for all, life more abundant” manifested in Segun Mimiko’s political choices today? How did the organization known as Afenifere pursue the political necessity where such abundance would be concretized? For Awo to even contemplate an alliance with a Zik’s NCNC, in spite of the latter’s historical hostility was only a recognition of some shared values in terms of political and therefore, economic emancipation from colonialism and based on equality; unlike today’s Afenifere which is scattered into different political parties(LP, PDP,SDP,UPN) thus becoming enslaved to a central controlling authority which is basis for all the political somersaults from Segun Mimiko both as a 16-is-greater-than-19 Governor and as an Afenifere in terms of accepting all of the anti-Federalist positions being pushed by Jonathan through his Conference.
It is no longer news how Goodluck Jonathan intends to forcefully impose himself on Yorubaland, even to the point of appointing Yoruba Ministers for critical security ministries only for them to be utilized as invaders of the land even when the terrorists have begun to take and hold territories in Nigeria. All that a minister of state for defense and Police Affairs could do is to marshal soldiers to come to Osun to terrorize the people. These are Segun Mimiko’s “progressive” or ‘welfarist” agents!!!

So, when Awo’s name is invoked, in order to hide behind the physical manifestations of modernization, Segun Mimiko negated the political essence; the context of Awo’s political philosophy, especially on his political choices. While an Awo would never contemplate any Yoruba as being “foreign” to any part of Yorubaland, that exactly was one of Mimiko’s electoral campaign mantra. The AG’s free education policy, for example, was not designed outside the socio-cultural and economic context of not only creating the necessary middle class for the effective functioning of the society but was done within a recognized cultural matrix, hence as the free primary education policy was being pursued, its cultural element in the development of the arts(Yoruba literature, drama etc) was not neglected which led to the all-round development of the individual. But what is Segun Mimiko doing with all that he reeled out? At the end of the day, when elections come, he will say there are Yoruba “foreigners” in our midst and just as AG’s reactionary opponents of those days would say, “they don’t want to be strapped to Ibadan”.
While an Awo would never contemplate a 16 as greater than 19, that was exactly what Mimiko did; while an Awo would never collaborate with even the military to checkmate Akintola his AG opponent, a Segun Mimiko makes himself available for Jonathan to use in Yorubaland. Some do know, on good authority, that Awo rejected all attempts to have him sprung from Calabar prison by both local and foreign forces.
Awo fought for and achieved a measure of Regional Autonomy which allowed the consummation of the “freedom for all, life more abundant” paradigm’s modernization process which is now being negated by Segun Mimiko right at this time with his promotion of the Jonathan agenda reflected in his acquiescence to Jonathan and reducing the Western Region into a clutter of hapless states. When Segun Mimiko then “warns against abusing progressivism”, he should look in the mirror.

Leye Ige.

Mimiko is a space and time.
Aregbesola makes him look almost useless with the economic output from that state.
Osun state is simply more productive.