TABLE OF CONTENT

Title page

Approval page
Dedication

Acknowledgment

Abstract

Table of content

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the study
1.2 Statement of problem

1.3 Research questions

1.4 Objective of the study

1.5 Significance of the study

1.6 Scope of the study

1.7 Definition of terms

CHAPETR TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 introduction

2.2 conceptual review

2.3 empirical review

CHAPETR THREE
3.0 Research methodology

3.1 sources of data collection

3.3 Population of the study

3.4 Sampling and sampling distribution

3.5 Validation of research instrument

3.6 Method of data analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introductions

4.2 Data analysis

CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Introduction

5.2 Summary

5.3 Conclusion

5.4 Recommendation

Appendix
Abstract

This study argues that in spite of Nigeria’s rich human and abundant mineral resources (particularly oil), a disproportionately highly number of its population lives in abject with over 50% of the wealth concentrated in less than 10% of the total population. Utilizing content analysis spiced with empirical facts and with the aid of Marxist tool of analysis, Thus, the widespread prevalence of poverty in Nigeria has placed major constraints on the country’s capacity to consolidate its emerging democracy leading to plethora of challenges. These challenges include: crisis of legitimacy and the rise of militant sub-nationalist agitations, ethno-religious and identity conflicts, corruption and institutional failures, crime and electoral violence, insecurity, injustice and political apathy with far reaching implications for the survival of the democratic system. The study concludes by aligning its findings with one of the long standing assumption that democracy do not strive in a poverty infested environment and thus attributes the major challenges facing the present democratic experiment in Nigeria to the existence of poverty on a large scale.



CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the study

Africa like the rest of the world witnessed the “third wave of democratization” when authoritarian regime and one party governments were replaced or supplanted by elected civilian governments or administrations. Nigeria described by Ette (2013) as one of the strongholds of dictatorship in the continent was caught in the snowballing effect of the wave after twenty-nine years of military dictatorship. After several years of failure attempt by the past military regimes of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida and Sani Abacha, democracy formally gained root in the country on 29 May, 1999. Nigerians were full of hopes and expectations that hard earned democracy will usher in improvements in standards of living, good governance, improvement in security and what Mohammed (2013) described as freeing of natural resources from the iron fist and jaw of greedy officials to that of enterprising and efficient social services delivery in health, education, sports and prevention of modern day slavery such as human trafficking as well as rehabilitation of infrastructural facilities, poverty alleviation and reduction in unemployment, inequality and improvement in general socio-economic development. Disturbingly, fourteen years after the inception of the present democratic dispensation, the political landscape is yet to show clear evidence of good governance. Elections and electoral processes are subverted; there have been wide scale of political violence and killing in many parts of the country; upsurge in ethnic militia groups who make life unbearable for the citizenry; general insecurity and high profile terrorism in the northern part of the country as well as kidnapping and bunkering of the petroleum pipelines in the southern part of the country. In spite of the great endowments in both human and natural resources, particularly, the huge oil wealth and revenues, Nigeria still remain a poor country with per capita income average of $350 as at 2003 (USAID, 2007). In the words of Nwaobi, “Nigeria presents a paradox” (Oshewolo, 2010:264) owing to the fact that since independence, majority of its population has remained poor in the midst of abundance. The UNDP has classified the country as 141 poorest nations on human development index. In its report, Nigeria is considered one of the 20th poorest countries in the world with 70% of the population classified as poor and 54.4% living in absolute poverty (Ugoh and Ukpere, 2009:849). Similarly, about 70.2 percent of the Nigerian population lives on less than $1 a day, while 90.8 percent lives on less than $2 a day (Oshewolo, 2010:267). The state poverty in Nigeria is often compounded by the widening inequality between the rich and the poor as “up to 95 percent of this great wealth is controlled by about .01 percent of the population” (Oshewolo, 2010:265). This situation has been clearly highlighted by Oshewolo (2010:267) that the total income earned by the richest 20 percent of the population is 55.7 percent, while the total income earned by the poorest 20 percent is 4.4 percent. Amis and Rakodi rightly observed that the major impediment to democracy in Africa is poverty. Masses are easily cornered, brainwashed and their right of choices manipulated to a point that some of them are susceptible to bribery and can be used as political thugs to cause confusion, harassment or intimidate an opponent during elections (Maiangwa, 2009:349). Poverty decreases both participation in democratic life and popular support for democracy (Mattes, et al, 2003:35). Since the return to multi-party democracy in 1999, the political space has been the exclusive preserve of the elite as majority of the population have been excluded from the political process. While there seems to be a general consensus that mass poverty could cast a shadow on democratic consolidation, “precisely why poverty undermines democracy, however, has been much less clear” (Mattes, et al 2003:1). Thus, the main focus of this paper is to interrogate the subject of poverty, inequality and the challenges of democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Achieving a consolidated democracy requires good governance by democratic regimes. It also demands upholding democratic values of popular participation, respect for the rule of law, free and fair elections and the independence of the judiciary. Good governance essentially promotes improved welfare of the people, transparency and accountability by public managers in the conduct of state affairs and reduces corruption to the barest minimum. These correlates of democracy are some of the daunting challenges. Democratic governance in Nigeria is yet to resolve particularly in the foundational eight years of Obasanjo civilian rule. What militated against the facilitation of true democracy under this administration? What led to the faltering of the initial expectations that accompanied democratization process in the late 1990s? Why was it difficult to consolidate on the gains of the democratization effort that ousted the military from the body politics of Nigeria in 1999? These are some of the questions that this essay attempts to answer.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

After thirteen years of unbroken democratic rule, Nigerians have not enjoyed the dividends of democracy in terms of economic prosperity, political freedom and social liberties. During the swearing-in of a democratically elected government in May 1999, Nigerians had very high expectations that democracy would offer food for the hungry, job opportunities for the unemployed, economic prosperity, higher standard of living, and transparency in government and justice for the oppressed. But alas, after thirteen years, the country is still largely characterized by widespread “poverty, corruption, infrastructural decay, social menace, vast unemployment, and violation of basic human rights” like what obtained during the military era (Ighagbon, 2010).

Nwaobi (2011) and Ighagbon (2010) agree that Nigerian democracy is paradoxical. Nwaobi (2011) writes, “the country is rich but the people are poor”. Despite this enormous wealth, the majority of the citizenry languish in abject poverty while a minority controls the country’s massive wealth. Nwaobi (2011) also shows that the economy has not improved for the past four decades as per capita income is still at the same level as it was in 1999.

This has resulted in the loss of faith in the country’s democracy. Quoting an Afrobarometer.org survey published by New York Times, (Ighagbon, 2010) shows that the level of confidence in Nigerian democracy has reduced from 84 percent in 2000 to 25 percent in 2005. Nigerians now wonder how longer it will take to deliver the expected dividends of democracy to them. The result is the loss of faith in the electoral process. Some youths no longer participate in elections as they feel their votes would not count

1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

This study has one main objective, which is broken down into general objective and specific objective;

The general objective is to examine poverty and the challenge of democratic consolidation in the Niger delta from 2010-2018. The specific objectives are;

i) To examine the effect of poverty in democratic participation in the Niger Delta region from 2010-2018
ii) To examine if there is any significant relationship between poverty and democratic consolidation in the study area from 2010-2018
iii) To examine the role of government in alleviating poverty in the study area to enhanced political participation

iv) To proffer suggested solution to the identified problem
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study

i) Does poverty has any effect on democratic participation in the Niger Delta region from 2010-2018?
ii) Is there any significant relationship between poverty and democratic consolidation in the study area from 2010-2018?
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

The following hypotheses were formulated by the researcher to aid the completion of the study;

H0: The government does not play any role in alleviating poverty in the study area to enhanced political participation

H1: The government does play a role in alleviating poverty in the study area to enhanced political participation

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

It is believes that at the completion of the study, the findings will be of great importance to the political actors and party executives to ensure that after election the form an all-inclusive governance irrespective of the political affiliation so as to lift her citizens out of poverty and ensure robust participation in politics. The study will also be useful to public office holders as the study explore the need for true federalism in all sphere .of the economy so as to ensure equitable distribution of income and employment in the state, the study will also be useful to researchers who intend to embark on a study in a similar topic as the study will serve as a reference point to further studies. Finally, the study will be useful to students, teachers, lecturers’, academia’s and the general public as the study will contribute to the pool of existing literature and also contribute to knowledge on the subject matter.
1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers poverty and the challenge of democratic consolidation in Nigeria with emphasis on the Niger Delta region from 2010-2018. But in the course of the study, there are some factors that limit the scope of the study;

AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study

TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher have to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.

FINANCE: The finance available for the research work does not allow for wider coverage as resources are very limited as the researcher has other academic bills to cover.

1.8 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

Poverty

Poverty is a state or condition in which a person or community lacks the financial resources and essentials for a minimum standard of living.

Democracy

Democracy is a system of government where most or all people have rights to equal constitutional participation. In a direct democracy, the citizens as a whole form a governing body and deliberate and vote directly on each issue. In a representative democracy the citizens elect representatives from among themselves

Democratic consolidation

Democratic consolidation is the process by which a new democracy matures, in a way that means it is unlikely to revert to authoritarianism without an external shock.

1.9 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), statement of problem, objectives of the study, research question, significance or the study, research methodology, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlight the theoretical framework on which the study its based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding. Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study.


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